Athens , 27 March 2008

Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues,

The Greek people believe that changes are needed if this country is to move ahead. Reforms and solutions are needed; practical and feasible solutions for problems that have been plaguing Greek society for years now. They see that this is essentially the progressive policy – the policy of the future. That is why they are looking to our government to promote this policy. They are looking to New Democracy as the only responsible, consistent and visionary party on the country’s political scene today.

Our party, after all, has always been a force of responsibility and moderation, particularly as regards the country’s foreign policy. The liberal democratic party is the one that has made all of the major national choices, leaving its mark on the country’s progress. And it has done so with realism, fighting for and defending our national interests, resisting the sirens of populism and short-lived party gains.

Greece’s foreign policy is a policy of externalisation and self-confidence. It strengthens and broadens our national interests, capitalising on our country’s power factors on the international stage, strengthening our country’s footing internationally. Greece’s foreign policy is not a policy of entrenchment, a policy of trepidation. Our policy is founded on clear positions and strong arguments. That is why it gets results.

In the case of the name of the state of Skopje, when we began this effort, conditions were anything but favourable for Greece’s positions and our country’s objectives with regard to this issue. For years now, the question had essentially been in a deadlock. International interest in a solution being reached had waned significantly, giving way – unfortunately – to waves of recognitions of our neighbouring state under its so-called constitutional name. The provisional name “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” seemed to have outgrown its usefulness. The prospect of its being used only by our country and within the framework of international organizations was now visible. We even saw it in the UN General Assembly, with the Kerim incident. 

This state of affairs called for a new approach. What was needed was a renewed effort to revive international interest in the finding of a mutually acceptable solution. This is what we endeavoured to do. And in the end we achieved this.

From the outset, our government took an important, substantial step. In Parliament, during the presentation of our platform, the New Democracy government spoke for the first time of seeking a solution based on a compound name with a geographical qualifier; a name that would be used by everyone. So we set out our position, proving that we have the realism needed – the political courage and fortitude – to really pursue a mutually acceptable solution. And I cannot resist mentioning, my dear colleagues, that when we took this bold step forward, the opposition was silent. It was – and still is – looking for a clear stance.

So on this basis we initiated a systematic effort to promote Greece’s positions throughout the world, to all the friends, partners and allies of Greece. The campaign’s scope wasn’t its only vital aspect. Also of great importance was the content of this international awareness campaign. We brought Greece’s arguments up to date. We addressed ourselves to our international collocutors with an eye to the future – not the past. We talked to them in terms of stability, in terms of regional cooperation. We used arguments based on current international policy. We put our positions into context with the major issues being addressed by the international community. We spoke a language that could be understood by a broad, global audience.

Through this policy, we convinced everyone of Greece’s constructive stance and sincere will to find a solution. We were not afraid of dialogue – we pursued it and promoted it. We seized every opportunity to contribute to finding a solution within the framework of the UN negotiations. But our efforts always ran up against the intransigence and temporising policy of the other side.

Through this concerted effort, we managed to forge alliances; we ensured support for Greece’s positions. We succeeded in making the justness of Greece’s positions understood by all our partners and allies. We succeeded in making it clear that the name issue is an international problem that affects regional cooperation, concerns the very substance of good neighbourly relations, and impacts the region’s stability.

In this way, our government gradually built – step by step, in a methodical and well-organised manner – the option of exercising its inalienable right of veto as a NATO member state. We thus succeeded in making clear the position we presented on 6 March at the Informal Meeting of NATO Foreign Ministers in Brussels: essentially, the first veto on sending an invitation to Skopje, at the Bucharest Summit.

The day before yesterday, Mr. Nimetz continued his efforts by putting forward a new proposal. Naturally, we are evaluating every parameter of this proposal, but it is some distance from what might be regarded as a mutually acceptable solution.  We have already given Mr. Nimetz our answer on the aspects of the proposal that we find unacceptable as they stand, and on those that we believe need clarification.

In any event, it is obvious that we are continuing our efforts unabated within the framework of the negotiations. We are still working on a substantially viable solution. That is, a solution that will be cohesive, functional, and feasible.  

I want to make myself absolutely clear. We want such a solution because such a solution is needed for the region’s long-term stability. We want to resolve this issue once and for all, not settle it any old way. We do not want a solution in order to save face; we do not want a solution for its own sake. We have no need of this. Greece is the region’s oldest European Union and NATO member state, its most mature democracy, its strongest economy; it is the most reliable regional pole of security and development. It is clear that from the position that we are in, we want a solution, but there is no cause for anxiety on our part. We have no need of fig leaves.

We are being frank: We want this solution in order to contribute once again to the region’s stability; in order to secure the enormous prospects that regional cooperation holds for all of the region’s countries, including our own of course.

Greece is implementing a responsible policy. Our leading role in the region brings with it great responsibility for its future, which is directly linked with our own future. We are fully aware of this responsibility. We cannot invest in the region’s instability – in founded or unfounded scenarios of a potential future destabilization – under the illusion that in this way we might reap short-lived gains. Such a policy would be short-sighted and to no purpose.

Greece continues to take part in negotiations with the same conviction, with the same clear positions, keeping all its options open. The strong, positive message that we have repeatedly sent to Skopje still stands. We want to find a solution on the name issue that will allow us to continue supporting our neighbouring state on its course towards Euro-Atlantic institutions.

This is what we want and what we aim for. There is still some time before the Bucharest Summit. Greece will continue to make every possible effort with a view to finding a mutually acceptable solution up until the Bucharest Summit, but also after it. Until such a solution is reached, however, we cannot, of course, consent to addressing an invitation to our neighbouring state to join NATO.

No solution – no invitation. We said it, we mean it, and everyone knows it.

This is our government’s policy, dear colleagues. I would like to assure you, ladies and gentlemen MPs, that nothing would be easier for me than to address a clinching answer to the main opposition party and to all those who call into question the soundness of our choices, or even our intention to exercise our right to veto, by referring to the history of this difficult process.

I will not do this today, because this government carries the burden and the responsibility for these difficult negotiations. And I will not allow myself to use any arguments or facts that would weaken our country’s negotiating position.

But I want all of you to know that the policy exercised by the government with consistency and – most of all – courage and determination, will vindicate Greece and all of us who believe in and serve Greece.  

It is a policy worthy of the history of our party – a party that has taken all the major decisions for the promotion and protection of our national interests.